The National Endowment for Democracy (NED): 

A Funnel for U.S. Taxpayer Dollars to Venezuela Coup Leaders?

 

 

 

“…it is clear that NED, Department of Defense (DOD), and other U.S. assistance programs provided training, institution building, and other support to individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved in the brief ouster of the Chávez government…”

- United States Department of State, Office of Inspector General, “A Review of U.S. Policy Toward Venezuela”[1]

 

 

The U.S. National Endowment for Democracy is funneling U.S. taxpayer dollars to members of Venezuela’s opposition who were key players in the April 2002 coup against the democratically elected government. The coup government ordered the abolition of Venezuela’s democratic institutions, including the Supreme Court, the National Assembly, and the Constitution.[2]

 

On April 20, the National Endowment for Democracy released a memo to the OAS that stated:

 

One of the more serious charges leveled against NED in the Permanent Council meeting of March 31 was the allegation that there was a connection between the NED and the coup d’etat of April 2002… In a thorough independent review of NED activities and programs before and during the events of April 2002, the U.S. Inspector General’s Office concluded “Based on OIG’s review the NED, its core grantees and discretionary grant recipients were carrying out programs in a manner consistent with NED grant policies and guidelines and were adhering to U.S. laws and policies.”[3]

 

The clear implication is that, according to the OIG report, groups funded by the NED were not involved in the coup. This is, for example, how the memo was reported by Bart Jones in the National Catholic Reporter: “The endowment dismissed the allegations, saying in the memo that neither it nor the groups it finances had any connection to the coup. It cited a U.S. Inspector General’s Office review to back up its assertions.”[4] Chris Sabatini, the Endowment’s senior program officer for Latin America and the Caribbean, has stated that there is no evidence that groups backed by the National Endowment for Democracy participated in the coup.[5]

 

To reiterate, this is what the OIG report actually says on whether NED-financed groups were involved in the coup: “… it is clear that NED, Department of Defense (DOD), and other U.S. assistance programs provided training, institution building, and other support to individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved in the brief ouster of the Chávez government...[6]

 

NED Grantees Who Were Coup Leaders or Public Endorsers

 

Several past and present NED grantees played key roles in the April 2002 coup that are documented in publicly available sources. These include individuals who were officials in the coup government; individuals who signed the actual coup decree of April 12, 2002 (the “Carmona decree[7]”), that overthrew the elected President and Vice President, and abolished democratic institutions such as the National Assembly and the Supreme Court[8]; individuals who signed as witnesses at the “swearing-in ceremony” of the coup government, an act widely interpreted in Venezuela as tantamount to signing the Carmona decree itself; and individuals who went out of their way to publicly proclaim their support for the coup government and its anti-democratic actions through documents published in the Venezuelan media. Some NED grantees took more than one of these actions.

 

NED grantees were named to ministerial posts in the coup government. NED grantees who were named to such posts in the coup government included:

 

·        Leopoldo Martinez, Finance Minister in the coup government,[9] of the political party[10] Primero Justicia, which receives training and support from the International Republican Institute, a direct NED grantee;

IRI received $300,000 in March 2002 for work involving Primero Justicia[11] and received $116,000 in February 2003 to continue this work, again involving Primero Justicia.[12]

 

·        Leonardo Carvajal, Education Minister in the coup government,[13] Director of the Asamblea de Educación, which continued to receive direct NED funding through 2003, well after the coup, and he himself received a direct salary from the NED as part of this funding.

Carvajal’s group received $55,000 from NED in September 2000[14] and an additional $57,000 in October 2002.[15]

 

One NED grantee actually signed the coup decree itself.

 

Rocío Guijarro, Director of CEDICE, a NED grantee, signed the actual coup decree that abolished Venezuela’s democratic institutions. Her signature, along with Pedro Carmona’s and eight others, appears on the last page of the document,[16] and her signature on the actual decree was noted in the proceedings of the National Assembly Commission that investigated the coup.[17] Together with the Center for International Private Enterprise, CEDICE received funding for the project “Building Consensus on a National Agenda,” for the period September 1, 2002 to November 30, 2003.[18]

 

Several NED grantees attended, as witnesses, the “swearing-in ceremony” of Pedro Carmona’s coup government.

 

NED grantees in Venezuela attended, as witnesses, the “swearing-in ceremony” of Pedro Carmona’s coup government. These individuals signed a document titled, “Witnesses to the swearing-in of the government.[19]” Presence at this ceremony and signing of this document were understood at the time in Venezuela to mean endorsement of the coup government and of the Carmona Decree.[20] NED grantees who signed as witnesses at the “swearing-in” included:

 

·        Maria Corina Machado, leader of Súmate (a present NED grantee)

Súmate received a NED grant of $53,400 in September 2003.[21]

 

·        Leopoldo López Gil and Leopoldo Martinez (coup government Finance Minister) of Primero Justicia, which receives training and support from the International Republican Institute, a direct NED grantee

IRI received $300,000 in March 2002 for work involving Primero Justicia[22] and received $116,000 in February 2003 to continue this work, again involving Primero Justicia.[23]

 

·        Maxim Ross and Domingo Alberto Rangel, Advisory Committee Members on the CIPE-CEDICE project funded by NED, “Building Consensus on a National Agenda” [24]

This CIPE-CEDICE project was granted $284,270 from the NED.[25]


NED grantees publicly proclaimed their support for the coup government and its anti-democratic actions through documents they published in the Venezuelan media:

 

·        Leonardo Carvajal, Director of the Asamblea de Educación (coup government Education Minister) signed the document “Civil Society Salutes the Rebirth of the Republic of Venezuela,” published in national newspapers on April 12, 2002, supporting the coup government and demanding the immediate resignation of officials of the elected government, including members of the National Assembly.[26]

 

·        Cipriano Heredia of Visión Emergente, Tomás Páez of Red Universitaria and Elías Santana of Alianza Cívica also signed the above-mentioned “Civil Society” document[27] and were chosen to lead a major CIPE-CEDICE project funded by the NED, “Building Consensus on a National Agenda.”[28]

 

·        Domingo Alberto Rangel (witness to the Carmona decree), Advisory Committee Member on the CIPE-CEDICE project funded by NED, “Building Consensus on a National Agenda” [29], signed this document.[30]

This CIPE-CEDICE project has been granted $284,270 from the NED.[31]

 

·        Oscar Garcia Mendoza, Director of NED grantee Asociación Civil Liderazgo y Visión, signed an advertisement published in a national newspaper on April 13, 2002, that stated “unconditional support” of the coup government and celebrated its coming to power.[32]

Mendoza’s group received $42,207 in September 2003 for work with Caracas’ Metropolitan Police Force, known for its participation in the April 2002 coup d’etat.[33]

 

 

 

 

Venezuela Information Office

733 15th Street NW, Suite 932

Washington, DC  20005

(202) 347-8081

www.veninfo.org

 

The Venezuela Information Office is dedicated to informing the American public about contemporary Venezuela, and receives its funding from the government of Venezuela.  Further information is available from the FARA office of the Department of Justice in Washington, DC.



[1] United States Department of State, Office of Inspector General, “A Review of U.S. Policy Toward Venezuela: November 2001 - April 2002,” Report Number 02-OIG-003, July 2002, http://oig.state.gov/documents/organization/13682.pdf.

[2] Fabiola Sanchez, “Interim Leader Sworn In; Latin Nations, Attorney General, Challenge Appointment, Claim Hugo Chavez is Still President,” Associated Press, April 12, 2002.

[3] National Endowment for Democracy, Memo to the OAS, April 20, 2004.

[4] Bart Jones, “U.S. Group and Venezuelan President Clash,” National Catholic Reporter, June 22, 2004.

[5] Bart Jones, “U.S. Funds Aid Venezuela Opposition,” National Catholic Reporter, April 2, 2004.

[6] United States Department of State, Office of Inspector General, op cit.

[7] “Act Constituting the Democratic and Unifying National Transitional Government,” Miraflores Palace, April 12, 2002. On file at the Venezuela Information Office. 

[8] Fabiola Sanchez, “Interim Leader Sworn In; Latin Nations, Attorney General, Challenge Appointment, Claim Hugo Chavez is Still President,” Associated Press, April 12, 2002.

[9] Proceedings of the Special Parliamentary Commission to Investigate the Events of April 11-14, 2002, National Assembly of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, May 6, 2002. http://www.asambleanacional.gov.ve/ns2/discursos/interpelaciones/Leopoldo_Lopez.asp.

[10] “In 2000, faced with imminent electoral processes, Primera Justica took a giant step, constituting itself as a political organization, inscribing itself with the CNE as a political party.” http://www.primerojusticia.org.ve/Historia.htm

[11] Grant Number 2002-022/7279, International Republican Institute Quarterly Report, July-September 2002.

[12] NED Grant No.2003-179.1, February 1, 2003.

[13] Proceedings of the Special Parliamentary Commission to Investigate the Events of April 11-14, 2002, National Assembly of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, May 24, 2002. http://www.asambleanacional.gov.ve/ns2/discursos/interpelaciones/Carlos_Ortega.asp.

[14] Grant Agreement No. 2001-421.0, National Endowment for Democracy, September 14, 2001.

[15] Grant Agreement No. 2002-426.0, National Endowment for Democracy, October 1, 2002.

[16] “Act Constituting the Democratic and Unifying National Transitional Government,” on file at the Venezuela Information Office.

[17] Proceedings of the Special Parliamentary Commission to Investigate the Events of April 11-14, 2002, National Assembly of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, May 2, 2002. The signers of the actual decree document were: Pedro Carmona, Ignacio Cardenal Velazco (church), Luis Enrique Vaal (business), José Curiel (political parties), Rocío Guijarro (NGOs), Miguel Angel Martínez (media), Carlos Fernández (Fedecámaras), Luis Brazón (Consecomercio), Ignacio Salvatierra (National Banking Association), and Oswaldo Diaz. http://www.asambleanacional.gov.ve/ns2/discursos/interpelaciones/Pedro_Carmona_E.asp.

[18] NED Grant 2002-021, 2/1/02 – 9/30/03, CIPE Quarterly Report, April, May, June 2003.

[19] On file at the Venezuela Information Office. In brief, of those NED grantees commonly referred to as “Carmona signers,” Rocío Guijarro signed the actual decree; Leopoldo Martinez and Maxim Ross signed the preprinted pages of the witness list, which carried the heading, “Witnesses to the Swearing-In of the Government”; Maria Corina Machado, Leopoldo López Gil, and Domingo Alberto Rangel signed blank pages that were used when the pre-printed pages filled up (Quinto Día gives more than 350 names as “Carmona signers,” and the actual documents include names which were not published in Quinto Día.) Machado, López, and Rangel printed and signed their names and wrote their ID numbers, indicating that they understood at the time that they were signing an official document. Documents released so far under the Freedom of Information Act indicate that the Súmate grant (Machado) and the Asociación Civil Liderazgo y Visión grant (Garcia Mendoza)run through 9/30/04; therefore Machado and Garcia Mendoza (at least) are still NED grantees.

[20] Jorge A. Pabón, “Los Carmona firmantes” (the Carmona signers), Quinto Día, October 31 -November 7, 2003. http://www.quintodia.com/archivos/365/edicion/index.php?dir=secciones&pag=pais_4. Pabon’s list of “Carmona signers” included Maria Corina Machado and Leopoldo López Gil. Quinto Día is an independent commercial weekly newspaper.

[21] NED Grant Agreement No. 2003-548.0, September 12, 2003.

[22] Grant Number 2002-022/7279, International Republican Institute Quarterly Report, July-September 2002.

[23] NED Grant No.2003-179.1, February 1, 2003.

[24] Ibid.

[25] “Building Consensus on a National Agenda,” op cit.

[26] “Civil Society Salutes the Rebirth of the Republic of Venezuela,” El Nacional and El Universal, April 12, 2002.

[27] Ibid.

[28] “Building Consensus on a National Agenda,” NED Grant 2002-021, 2/1/02 – 9/30/03.

[29] Ibid.

[30] “Civil Society Salutes the Rebirth of the Republic of Venezuela,” op cit.

[31] “Building Consensus on a National Agenda,” op cit.

[32] “Communication from the Board of Directors of the National Council to Promote Investments (CONAPRI) to the Nation,” advertisement, El Nacional, April 13, 2002.

[33] NED Grant Agreement No. 2003-545.0, September 12, 2003.